The struggle against Trump...

is not a struggle against Trump in the first place. It is a struggle against the whole unfair political system that enables the rise of such individuals to power. When you run an algorithm with the potential of producing so unacceptable results, the main goal becomes to replace the software, not to reverse or revoke the results. The election framework in the USA (and other imperialist powers for that matter) is a grossly unproportional and undemocratic one. Not only can it completely reverse the actual election outcome, but it practically excludes all political tendencies apart from an extremely limited elite of politicians. As J. V. Stalin would have expressed it cynically today, "Those who vote, determine nothing. Those who compile the election laws and the candidate lists, determine everything!".

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Moreover, the almost inexistent range of choices is confined to cronies of various lobbies, with no working class elements. And this concerns all governing bodies, not just the presidency. Besides, let's not forget that the overall concept of a president and other single-person decisionmakers is altogether undemocratic and undesirable.

Besides, a struggle focusing on Trump himself, totally misses all points. First of all, it implies the illusion that the Clintons would be reasonably better, so as to justify the effort. Second, it fools people that the "Democrats" may be at times significantly preferable to the Republicans. Third, it fails to escape from the 2-party vicious cycle altogether. It obscures the fact that none of the 2 candidates should have been there in the first place.

The U.S.A. are not alone in this. Also in France and Austria for example, the (s}election processes have brought forward candidates that represent quite undesirable tendencies and do not reflect at all the harsh class struggle taking place within the respective societies. All-in-all, the working class usually remains unrepresented both in terms of candidacies and policies at the stake of these "elections". To the contrary, in election frameworks like Venezuela and other Latin American countries, there is a strong class content and worthwhile chances of promoting workers' struggles and rights.

It is not the purpose of this intervention to illustrate the menace of the Trump regime or his personality; this is being adequately pointed out by a multitude of sources. The Trump case presents a historic opportunity to de-legitimize morally the whole institutional framework of the US regime and its political practices, after having suffered the appointing of a president who didn't even win the majority of the voters.

It is misleading to attribute Trump's popularity to a conservative, reactionary tendency. This is a misinterpretation that may cause a false euphoria to the stock market "bubbles" and "vultures", however it is blinding them disastrously. Support for Trump is rather the result of the wrong kind of radicalization against an unpopular environment of wealthy so-called liberals, other similar elite and associated media. Trump has largely been the main outlet for the expression of dissent left as an option by the system itself, it was nearly nothing more than a generic protest vote. He should not fool himself that he and his proxies constitute a permanent option for the non-privilleged populace.

The means for the aforementioned resistance must challenge all the supposed "bourgeois-democratic" context. Instead, militant proletarian mentality and methodology must be cultivated within the oppressed classes, the most important tools being intensive and extensive civil disobedience and political strikes, broadcasting from occupied radio and TV stations etc. It is doubtful whether existing workers' institutions like the traditional trade unions can carry out any far-reaching political class struggle. It will doubtlessly be necessary to forge additional entities to cope with the demands of proletarian resistance.

However, in order to escalate the level of political demands and breakthroughs in a reasonably gradual way, so as to maximize the proportion of citizens attracted towards radicalization, a startup with moderate democratization goals may be advisable. These startups could focus, indicatively, on more direct, grassroots decisionmaking procedures, much more inclusive, proportional election rules and elementary welfare provisions with wealth redistribution features. It is highly probable that the ruling oligarchy will be far slower to adapting to those demands than the progressive radicalization of the demands themselves.

At any case, we need proletarian entities willing and able to impose strikes and general insurgency on such political issues.